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What is the  number of the Hmong in the world?

This paper synthesizes the state of knowledge about the size of the Hmong population in

various regions of the world. Particular attention is paid to clarifying what is known about the

number of (H)mong as opposed to Miao in China, an issue which has been associated with

considerable confusion. The author concludes by deriving hypothetical estimates of the actual

number of (H)mong throughout the world based upon available information.

The (H)mong, like most tribal societies around the world, have never had any precise

idea of their population number from time immemorial. Wherever they live today, they have

learned about their numbers by others' calculation and until recently never paid much attention to

figures. They certainly had a sense of a number under which they felt their ranks were being

depleted and, wherever they were sent by the vagaries of history, the pioneers among them had

two goals in mind: how to attract fellow tribesmen to join their group and how to reproduce and

expand their small communities to the point they would feel at home in a foreign environment.

To this may be added that their own ethnicity was officially acknowledged only recently:

in the early 70s in Laos, in 1975, in Vietnam, and in the late 70s, in Thailand, following the flow

of (H)mong refugees from Laos. To this day China has still not recognized any kind of (H)mong

ethnicity nor any other ethnicity at all. The Chinese version of minority nationalities is an original

construction based on historical, linguistic, cultural, economic criteria and the assumption that the

groups gathered into one nationality would be happy to integrate into such a political entity. The

(H)mong of China have been trapped into the Miao nationality in the wake of the Communist

takeover in 1949 together with at least four other ethnic groups who had in common to have been

classified as Miao by the Chinese writers of the Qing dynasty. But the same Chinese scholars and

artists who produced the Miao albums for the purpose of entertaining Manchu emperors did also

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

2

classify as Miao all kinds of other people like the Yao or the various tai-kadai ethnic groups of

Guizhou and Guangxi; Miao was a kind of vague category, something like "aborigine" which was

used to classify all strange and backward looking non Han people in Southern China. To be called

Miao-tse in the beginning of 20th century China was not particularly flattering. In Indochina,

"Meo", the Vietnamese and Tai pronunciation of this word that the (H)mong immigrants had

brought with them, was even more derogatory being homophonous with the word for "cat" in

both languages. There is then little wonder that when (H)mong leaders and intellectuals started

playing a part in Laotian and Vietnamese politics during the Vietnam war, they wanted and

managed to have their ethnic name, (H)mong, acknowledged for such. This change, which

occurred already 30 years ago spread round Indochina like wildfire. The main reason for this was

that, apart from a group calling themselves Black (H)mong (Hmoob Dub) in North Vietnam and

North Laos1, the bulk of the Meo population in Southeast Asia was only Hmong.

Today according to various censuses in Vietnam, Laos and Thailand, we have a rather

accurate idea of the number of (H)mong in the Indochinese Peninsula; we also know the

populations of the diasporas to Europe or to the USA, but the number of (H)mong in China has

remained quite uncertain and this has led several authors to jump to the conclusion that the

official number given for the Miao nationality by the 1990 Census could be used as an indicative

of the (H)mong number in China. A demographer and anthropologist as serious as Peter

Kundstater does not hesitate to write: "The largest number of Hmong, 7.4 million,2 live in

southwestern and central China; about one-half million live in northwestern Viet Nam and

1 Hmong Dou (Hmoob Dub) can speak Hmong but their own mother tongue is quite different and after

recording, and having transcribed and translated into Hmong some of their songs in the late 60's, I have

made the hypothesis that they could be Mhu from Southeast Guizhou and a few places in Guangxi. But this

remains to be checked by more documented linguistic investigations.

2 Population Census Office, ed. n.d. Tabulations on the 1990 Population Census of the People's Republic of

China.

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

3

another half million in the northern part of the Lao People Democratic Republic..."3 This

assertion is misleading. Not only is the number of (H)mong in Lao PDR grossly exaggerated

compared to actual censuses (231,168 in 1985; 315,465 in 1995), but a detailed account from the

same 1990 Census in China, provided by Wang Fushi and Mao Zongwu4, shows that the number

of (H)mong in China at that time amounted at most to a mere 2.088 million; while the other Miao

groups: A Hmao (300;000), Mhu (sometimes known as Hmu or Hmub)(2.1 million) and Qho

Xiong (900,000) total only 3.3 million. The total number of Miao speaking a Miao language,

5.388 million leaves aside about 2 million Miao who do not speak any Miao language. Our

authors remark judiciously that in Western Hubei, Southeast Sichuan and Southwest Guizhou, in

the (H)mong area, or in Southwest Hunan and Northeast Guangxi, in the Qho Xiong area, quite a

number of Miao only speak a Han dialect. Some of them, living in a Dong district, speak the local

Kam dialect and not any Miao language. In the Mhu region in Southeast Guizhou the Ge are

adamant in adhering to the Miao nationality they have been granted and have struggled since the

beginning of the nationality policy to achieve separate recognition as a Ge nationality5.

This means that even if we assume that, in the best case, one million of the Miao

speaking only Chinese could be part of the so-called (H)mong population of China, the total

number of the (H)mong in China in 1990 could not have amounted to more than 3 million. But

one could assume as well that these one million Han-speakers close to or acquainted to (H)mong

clansmen may prefer to consider themselves as Miao rather than (H)mong for the good reason

they feel foreign to the (H)mong communities of the various dialects they can't speak. In that case

the 1990 number of the (H)mong in China would probably be not much more than the 2.088

3 Peter Kundstater, 1996: "Aspect of Change in Hmong Society: Economy, Demography, Gender Status

and Marriage", Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Thao Studies, Theme III, Family,

Community, And Sexual Sub-Cultures in the AIDS Era, Chiang Mai, Thailand 14-17 October 1996, p.104.

4 Miao-Yao yu guyin gouni "Reconstruction of the ancient pronunciation of Miao-Yao languages", Chinese

Social Sciences Press, Beijing 1995, p.2-10

5 See, for instance, Cheung Siu-woo: 1996, "Representation and Negotiation of Ge Identities in Southeast

Guizhou". in Melissa Brown ed., Negotiating Identities in China and Taiwan, Berkeley, Cal. Institute of

East Asian Studies, University of California Press.

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

4

million of (H)mong speakers. This is something (H)mong travelers to China could easily verify

with their (H)mong clansmen. But, even this conservative figure could also be exaggerated.

According to the Chinese linguists, the Chinese (H)mong speaking the same language as "the

Miao (Hmong) of Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, Myanmar in the regions neighboring China" are the

numerous speakers of the first of three local idioms of what they call the Chuanqiandian "subdialect",

because it is spoken in the three provinces of Sichuan, Guizhou and Yunnan, and which

should be considered as "(H)mong proper". However they account for only 1.4 million. The

linguists provide also the following 42 locations at the district level for the speakers of this

(H)mong language:

- in Sichuan: Gulan; Xuyong; Xingwen; Gongxian, Gaoxian, Changning, Muli Tibetan

Autonomous District,

- in Guizhou: Jinsha; Chishui; Xishui; Renbei; Xifeng; Bijie; Nayong; Qianxi; Dafang;

Zhijin; Puding; Pu An; Xingyi; Qian Ning Buyi and Miao Autonomous Prefecture;

Anshun; Liupanshui,

- in Yunnan: Qianxiong; Weixin; Yanlü; Zenshan; Yanshan; Qiubei; Maguan; Guangnan;

Xishou; Malipo; Mengzi; Bingbian; Kaiyuan; Jinping; Yuanyang; Gejiu; Mile;

- in Guangxi: Longlin, Napo.

Looking at a map, we can see that these Hmong settlements constitute a very homogenous

territory extending from North to South at the junction of the three provinces down to the

Vietnamese border.

The other two local idioms belonging to the same "sub-dialect" are to be found for the

first: in Nayong, Liupanshui, and Chizhang in West Guizhou, and for the second in the suburb of

Anshun and Jiuzhou, also in Anshun district. Their respective numbers were 84,000 and 3,000.

The authors provide no indication that these two groups may call themselves (H)mong.

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

5

The same linguists, in a 1959 anonymous book for internal use (neibu)6, had given a first

detailed account of the speakers of Miao languages – which they called the Miao "dialects" – and

of their dialects (for them "sub-dialects") in exactly the same places as in their more recent

detailed account. At that time, in the late 50s, the total number of the (H)mong was 1.042 million.

There were 100,000 A Hmao, 920,000 Mhu and 500,000 Qho Xiong. That meant a total number

of 2.56 million Miao speaking a Miao language while the official number of the Miao was 2.7

million. Again some 150,000 Miao did not speak a Miao language and probably only Han7. These

figures have always seemed to me quite reliable and the Chinese linguists who provided them are,

needless to say, renowned scientists who probably wanted that their "internal" accountancy be

preserved for future researchers. They certainly deserve our grateful thanks. We cannot compare

their figures to other sources because, so far, none other has ever surfaced. But we still can check

their internal consistency.

From the late 1950s to 1990, in a span of a little more than 30 years, the total number of

the Miao population has increased by 174%; the number of Miao who do not speak a Miao

language has increased by 1,233%. I shall come back to this figure later. The number of (H)mong

has increased by 100%, of Qho Xiong by 80%, of Mhu by 110%, of A Hmao by 200% and the

total number of Miao speaking a Miao language by 110%. Except for the A Hmao who

experienced a faster growth, these figures are mutually consistent. The difference in the growth of

population from one group to the other reflects, I suppose, a differential depletion in the number

of native speakers according to the different Miao languages. The outstanding increase of non

6 Anonymous: 1959, Zhongguo shaoshuminzu tiaocha baogao(Miao Yao yuzu bufen) Beijing.

7 I have introduced these figures and the classification of various Miao languages and dialects in an

appendix to my book, Lemoine: 1972, Un Village Hmong Vert du Haut Laos, Paris, Editions du C.N.R.S.,

p.197-199. In that first book the Chinese linguists obviously divided the Miao languages into three main

groups: Hmong speakers, Mhu speakers and Qho Xiong speakers. These three language names which were

representing ethno linguistic groups have disappeared from the 1995 publication of their 1990-1992 study,

under, I suppose, a political pressure to enforce a single Miao identity and they ostensibly ignore that

(H)mong identity has been recognized in SEA countries, persisting to call them Miao. Meanwhile one of

the other sub-dialects, the Northeastern (Qiandongbei) one, I thought included into the Hmong language,

was in fact spoken by the A Hmao, or Dahua Miao. After visiting this group, I can testify that their

language, even if related to Hmong in the past, is today quite unintelligible to any average Hmong speaker.

And of course they have their own ethnic name: A Hmao.

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

6

speakers of any Miao language may be ascribed to a change in politics in the mid 1980s which

has attracted towards the minority nationality status a great number of people who could claim

Miao ancestry through only one parent and were not required to speak any Miao language. This is

the special characteristic of the 1990 Census of China and the Miao were not the only example.

See, for instance, the extraordinary increase of one of their neighboring nationalities such as the

Tujia of Hubei and Hunan, which has been explained in these terms.

If we assume a regular increase for the speakers of anyone of the Miao languages, the

(H)mong show a 33% increase for each decade, compared to a 36% for the Mhu, 26% for the

Qho Xiong but 66% for the A Hmao. This means that one decade later, in 2000 China, the actual

number of the true (H)mong speakers (all dialects included) may have reached around roughly

2,777,039.

At about the same time in 1995, the official number of (H)mong in Laos was about

320,000, in Vietnam 787,600 in 1999 according to Vuong Duy Quang8 and some 118,000 to

150,000 in Thailand. This makes a total of 1,257,600 (H)mong for the Indochinese Peninsula and,

roughly, 4,034,639 for Asia as a whole. At the same time, the 2000 Census in the USA has

recorded 186,310 (H)mong with an increase of 97% in the decade 1990-2000. This is much more

than in China or in Laos, where the increase between 1985 and 1995 is particularly low, a merely

15%! But some (H)mong consider that the Census figure in the United States is still too low and

should be raised to 300,000 when adding the number of unenumerated (H)mong people9. If we

take their feeling as granted and add to that number an estimated 2000 (H)mong in Australia,

8 Vuong Duy Quang: 2004, "The Hmong and Forest Management in Northern Vietnam's Mountainous

Areas" in Nicholas Tapp, Jean Michaud, Chrisitian Culas and Gary Yia Lee, ed., Hmong/Miao in Asia,

Chiang Mai, Silkworm

9 Mark Pfeifer and Serge Lee: 2003, "Hmong Population, Demographic, Socioeconomic, and Educational

Trends in the 2000 Census", in Bo Thao, Louisa Schein and Max ,Niedzweick ed. , Hmong 2000 Census

Publication: Data & Analysis, Washington, DC, Hmong National Development, Inc. (HND)

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

7

1500 in French Guyana, 15,000 in France and some 600 in Canada and another 600 in

Argentina10 we should have a number of about 320,000 (H)mong in the various diasporas.

Thus, in all likelihood, the actual number of the (H)mong speakers around the world in

2000 should have been something between 4.4 and 4.5 million depending on whether one trusts

or disregards the American 2000 Census, and pending confirmation that the five other "subdialects"

of the Chuanqiandian "dialect" all belong to the Hmong language and ethnicity and do

not hide other ethnic groups like the A Hmao. In that case, the number of true Chinese (H)mong

in 1990 would have been a mere 1.4 million and, if we keep the same general growth rate of 33%,

they should have been 1.862 million in 2000, lowering the total number of the (H)mong around

the world down to 3.5 million. And a rough estimation of their number today would vary between

4 and 5 million. We are far from the 10 million some bold writers already anticipate!

May I add that (H)mong and other scholars writing about the (H)mong should be more

careful in the figures they throw at a naive audience who have no means to scrutinize them. A

variation from 5 to 10 million may already engender dangerous dreams such as the search for a

national territory. American linguists are innocently propagating illusions when they replace the

Miao-Yao Languages family by a so-called Hmong-Mien Languages family enforcing the idea

that all the Miao are (H)mong even if they have a different ethnic name and speak a language

unintelligible to the (H)mong. In China, the Miao who are not Hmong, mainly the Mhu and the

Qho Xiong impressed by the records of (H)mong economic successes in Europe and America

have also tried to lure the (H)mong outside China to return to the Miao fold by pretending that

Miao and (H)mong are only one people as can be seen in the title of a recent Comprehensive

History of the Miao in China with an English subtitle "A Comprehensive History of the Chinese

Hmong" in two volumes which have already been translated into (H)mong and widely circulated

10 Kaoly Yang: 1999, Naître et grandir: les processus de socialisation de l'enfant en milieu hmong, Ph. D.

thesis, Université d'Aix-Marseille

What is the actual number of the (H)mong in the World by Jacques Lemoine, Ph.D. Hmong Studies Journal, 2005, 6: 1-8.

8

among the (H)mong 11. There may arise a Hmong/Miao transnationality as suggested by Louisa

Schein12 but the (H)mong would be well advised to think twice and remember the troubles of the

Ge before putting on the flowery "All Miao" strait jacket their good Chinese Miao friends present

to them because, in my opinion, there is not a single chance that the opposite new "All Hmong"

strait jacket proposed by the linguists may ever be accepted by the Mhu or the Qho Xiong Miao

in China.

And the (H)mong all know that sometimes it is better to be small and free than big but

bound to an unwanted match.

About the Author: Dr. Jacques Lemoine is a retired research officer of the French National

Center of Scientific Research, and now serves as a consultant for UNESCO, resource person for

various institutions and Anthropologist Advisor with the Institute for Cultural Research, Ministry

of Information and Culture, Vientiane, Lao PDR.

11 Wu Xinfu: 1999, Zhongguo Miaozu Tongshi A Comprehensive History of the Chinese Hmong, 1&2,

Guizhou Nationalities Press.

12 Louisa Schein: 2004, "Hmong/Miao Transnationality, Identity beyond Culture" in Nicholas Tapp, Jean

Michaud, Chrisitian Culas and Gary Yia Lee, ed., Hmong/Miao in Asia, Chiang Mai, Silkworm

 
 
There are some 56 officially recognised ethnic groups in China. Over 92% of the population is made up of the Han Chinese, and in speaking of the Chinese it is generally the Han that people are referring to. In addition there are 55 ethnic minority groups from a diverse range of ethnic and linguistic groups. A general background on these minorities can be found here. For specific information on each group, see the links below.


Achang Gin Manchu Shui
Bai Han Maonan Tajik
Blang Hani Miao Tatar
Bonan Hezhen Menba Tibetan
Bouyei Hui Mongolian Tu
Dai Jingpo Mulao Tujia
Daur Jino Naxi Uyghur
Dong Kazakh Nu Uzbek
Dongxiang Korean Oroqen Wa
De'ang Kirghiz Pumi Xibe
Derung Lahu Qiang Yao
Ewenki Lhoba Russian Yi
Gaoshan Li Salar Yugur
Gelao Lisu She Zhuang



HMONG CHINA

For approximately the last six generations, an estimated 300,000 Hmong have come to call Laos home. Most Hmong know their forefathers emigrated from China but that's been the extend of their historical knowledge. Few know of such legendary figures as Chiyou, Tao Tien and Ba yue Wu. Due to limited written documentation, migration and sometimes forced assimilation, Hmong history is seemingly lost and remains relatively obscure.

But relearning and interpreting Hmong roots recently began at China's Xiangtan University in Hunan province where a handful of U.S. Hmong students attended a two-month summer program in ancient Hmong history and culture. The program included a month of intensive (6-hour days, six day weeks) classroom lectures and a month of field research to Hmong villages in southwestern China. The summer program was initiated by Xiangtan philosophy professor, An-ping Lei. According to Professor Lei, the idea was born in the United States. As a participant in the 1995 International Symposium on Hmong People, Professor Lei discovered that Hmong in the States were particularly interested in learning more about their history in China. Upon returning to China, Lei and a group of Hmong-Chinese professors and research scholars founded a summer program at Xiangtan to share what they know of Hmong history.

Five students - Txianeng Vang, Cy Thao, Cziasarh Neng Yang (all from St. Paul, Minn.), Charles L. Fang of San Diego, Calif. and I - attended this past summer's program. According to the president of Xiangtan, we were their very first foreign students.

Professor Xin-fu Wu lectured on ancient Hmong history and reminded us that although Hmong history is richly unique, it will be rather difficult, perhaps near impossible, to put together all the scattered parts into one coherent piece. He acknowledged that this enormous challenge of uncovering the Hmong people's history is the duty and priority of Hmong scholars in years to come.

Professor Tong-jiang Yang, a 33 year-old Hmong-Chinese historian and author or co-author of more than 20 titles, took us as far back as half a million years, associating Hmong origination with the Peking man (Homo erectus pekinensis) whose remains were discovered not far from Beijing in the 1920s. However, Professor Yang agreed that Hmong history beyond 5000 years remains obscure and speculative. The term 'Miao" appeared in the Chinese Classics and early historical records such as the 'Zhanguo ce' ("Intrigues of the Warring States") and the "Shiji' ("Records of the Historians). After the Han Dynasty in 220 A.D., "Miao" disappeared from historical records until the Song Dynasty (A.D. 947-1279). The reason for the mysterious disappearance remains unclear.

Scholars seem to agree that the Hmong had gone through numerous dreadful periods in history in which the term 'Miao" also underwent some changes: from "Miao" to "Miao-Man" or "Man-Miao", "Wuling Man," 'Wuxi Man," or simply "Man," and then eventually back to "Miao". Whether the ancient Miao are today's Miao is debatable among scholars.

How did the term "Miao' or 'Hmong" come into being? Although the term 'Miao" appeared in Chinese historical records, the term 'Hmong' never did. What did they call themselves back then, "Hmong or 'Miao?'. The answer to this question varied from region to region. For example, the western Hunan Hmong call themselves "Guo-xiong". Those in eastern Guizhou call themselves "Amaot" or "Mo'. And those in Yunnan and southeastern Sichuan call themselves 'Meng" or "Hmong". They may indeed have called themselves "Hmong" as many assumed, but "Miao' is probably a name given to them by the Chinese, at least in writing. In his "Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou: The "Miao" Rebellion, 1854-1873," Robert Jenks wrote, "The most convincing explanation of the origin of the term 'Miao' is that it represented an effort on the part of the Chinese to recreate the sound of the word (pronounced 'Mong' or 'Mu,' as the 'H' is unaspirated) used by members of the ethnic group to refer to themselves."

Despite its obscurity one thing about Hmong history was clear to J. Mottin, the author of "History of the Hmong." "Of their pre-history only one thing is certain, that is that the Miao were in China before the Chinese, for it is the latter themselves who indicate the presence of the Miao in the land, which they, the Chinese, were gradually infiltrating, and which was to become their own country, " Mottin wrote.

Between five and six thousand years ago, the Hmong people lived in today's Hebei province, said Professors Wu and Yang. Their leader at the time was the legendary Chiyou, and his people were known as the Jiuli tribes. The ancestors of the Han Chinese, ruled by leaders Huang Di and Yan Di, lived to the northwest of the Jiuli Kingdom. As Chinese population grew, they expanded southward into Hmong territory. A major war broke out between the two sides on the northwestern part of modern-day Beijing. Professors Wu and Yang cited that according to legends and folk songs, "the Hmong won nine battles but lost on the tenth."

After their defeat, the Hmong emigrated southward into the lower reaches of the Yellow River where they re-established a new kingdom approximately four thousand years ago. The San-Miao Kingdom and its people were led by Tao Tie and Huan Tuo. Unfortunately, history repeated itself; the Han Chinese expanded, encroaching and taking over on what had become Hmong land. In the ensuing war the San-Miao Kingdom was defeated and "largely exterminated" by Yu the Great at about 2200 B. C., wrote Jenks. The Hmong then became disintegrated and lived dispersely in China's south and southwest corners. "After San-Miao," Professor Wu said, "the Hmong people could never be united again, and be strong as a nation."

After the destruction of San-Miao, the Hmong continued to migrate southward into today's Hubei, Hunan and Jiangxi provinces. Much was talked about their living in the Dongting Lake and Poyang Lake areas, where the Chu Kingdom during the Eastern Zhou and Qin Dynasties encompassed. Many scholars, both Hmong and non-Hmong, argue that the state of Chu was a Hmong kingdom. If it was not Hmong, it certainly was not Chinese. Conrad Schirokauer, a published scholar of Chinese history, referred to the Chu state as a "semi-Chinese." Many researchers, including our Xiangtan professors, argue that the intact female corpse (died and buried during the Chu Kingdom and excavated from a highly elaborate tomb in 1972 in Changsa, Hunan) was Hmong because the drawings on her caskets and on the piece of silk covering her coffin are designs unique to the Hmong.

Based on the seal unearthed, this female corpse was named Xin Zhui, the wife of Li Cang who was the Marquis of Dai. Even after more than two thousand years, her body was well preserved and protected from decay by a set of four coffins carefully arranged inside one another.

Along with her body, over 1,400 cultural and funerary objects were buried inside the tomb, ranging from agricultural seeds, combs, mittens, stockings, shoes, gowns, wooden dolls, food and wine containers to zither-like stringed and reed-pipe instruments.

On top of the innermost coffin, there laid a splendid and exquisite T-shaped painting on silk. The painting details a person's three souls - one which remains to watch over the body, the second which goes in search of the ancestors and the third which just wanders. This belief in three separate souls and their duties upon death exist today. Having published a paper on this unique piece of painting, Professor Yang believes this old pictorial lends even greater evidence to the claim that the corpse and the Chu Kingdom could be Hmong. He argued that except for a few minor illustrations on the top left, the rest of the intricate illustrations coincided with legends and folk stories of the Hmong. Pointing to the wooden dolls, a tour guide of the museum mentioned that many visiting scholars argue that they are dressed in Hmong-style clothing.

Throughout history, if the Hmong people found any kind of peace, it never lasted long. They have been forced to emigrate from northeastern China into the country's southwestern corner. During the Qing Dynasty, several major wars further pushed hundreds of thousands of Hmong into Southeast Asian countries of Vietnam, Laos, Burma and Thailand.

The first major war during the Qing Dynasty erupted in 1735 in southeastern Guizhou province as a result of Chinese southward expansion and forced assimilation. Eight counties and 1,224 villages were said to be involved in this war. When the Hmong were suppressed in 1738, Professor Wu said 17,670 Hmong had been killed in combat, 11,130 were captured and executed and another 13,600 were forced into slavery. Half of the Hmong population were affected by the war.

The second war (1795-1806) was started in three provinces - southeast of Sichuan, east of Guizhou and west of Hunan. The Hmong were led by Ba-yue Wu, Liu-deng Shi, San-bao Shi and Tian-ban Shi. As in the past, this war was launched to resist the Chinese and the Qing government from taking over their land. The popular slogan at the time was, "Get back our fields. Drive the Han people and he Manchus out off our fields."

The last war was the biggest and longest of the three. As a result of the Taiping Rebellion, the Qing government demanded more taxes and labor from the Hmong. The Hmong, led by Xiu-mei Zhang and other leaders, revolted in southeastern Guizhou in 1854 and fought until 1873. In excess of one million people were involved in this war, which spread to cover hundreds of cities and counties. According to Professor Wu, only 30 percent of the Hmong survived the war. Seventy percent of them were either killed or ran away. Zhang, a native of Taijiang, Guizhou, was captured and taken to Changsa, Hunan where his life r ended under cruel tortures.

While a major portion of the Hmong emigrated to Southeast Asia during periods of the last two wars, hundreds of thousands of Hmong were left behind in China. According to the 1990 Chinese census, there are still 7,398,035 Hmong scattered in Chinas southwestern provinces - approximately 3,686,900 in Guizhou province; 1,557,073 in Hunan; 896,712 in Yunnan, 535,923 in Sichuan, 425,137 in Guangxi, 200,702 in Hupei, 52,044 in Hainan Island; and 43,544 in other provinces.

Because of the many years of warfare and assimilation, the Hmong in China have been divided into five main branches - Hong (Red), Hei (Black), Bai (White), Hua (Flowery) and Qing (Green) Hmong. They have also been separated linguistically into three main dialects - eastern, central and western. One group cannot understand the other two's dialects. Fortunately, all three groups pay respect to the same ancestry, the legendary Chiyou. Legends, folk tales and folk songs are similar in many ways between the three groups. All of the different groups of the Hmong - in and out of China-have continued to practice the so-called showing the way or qhuab ke in Hmong, a funeral song sung to the deceased. Qhuab ke precisely guides the deceased individuals soul from his present location to the original homeland of his ancestors, tracing backward the migration route from village to village, city to city northeast towards the Beijing area. Besides written materials, Hmong scholars have recently used qhuab ke as a major source to help them relearn and interpret Hmong history.

Although their culture and tradition are similar in many ways, a few major cultural practices are different between those in China and those outside China. Unlike the Hmong in and from Southeast Asia, those in China standardize how a person is called. According to our professors and the Hmong-Chinese community, the Hmong traditionally call each other and oneself by the given name first, followed by the family or last name. Unless one is talking to Chinese people (who go by last name followed by first name), or putting down his name on official document, he would never go by the family name first. In short, inside the Hmong-Chinese community, one is always called by the given name first. On the contrary, a minority but growing percentage of Hmong from Southeast Asia prefer to be called by their last name first,

Moreover, we also learned that the Hmong in China don't toss cloth balls during new year's celebration. Our professors concluded that the Hmong in and from Southeast Asia may have adopted this practice from the Zhuang or other nationalities in southwest China before entering Southeast Asia.

Our field research to Hmong villages in southwest China was an informative but a physically demanding one. Roads ended in the cities or nearby villages so we walked for miles crossing over mountains and valleys before reaching Hmong villages. There, we were shock to see how they managed to survive living in poverty in mountainous locales.

Experiencing only the natural spring water in Laos and filtered tap water from the kitchen sink in the United States, I could not believe how terrible their drinking water was. The water color wasn't clear but dark yellow. Young boys fished in it. Pigs and chickens are within its vicinity. People and animals take turn drinking from the same pond. That's how it is in many Hmong villages in the remote countrysides. They purify their water by placing limestone (zeb qaub in Hmong) into the bucket of water to separate the dirt from the water.

Educational opportunities are lacking in Hmong villages. For as long as it has come into existence, Hei Shan village, for example, has not produced a single junior high graduate. High school and college education are beyond their dreams. Most of these children drop out before or after fourth grade for various reasons ranging from financial inability to lack incentives.

Economically, the Hmong-Chinese remain undeveloped and backward. This is especially true for those in Yunnan province. Shortage of land for cultivation is their initial problem. Having no money to buy fertilizer to enrich the exhausted soil is another. According to village leaders, they are always hungry six months of every year. They said that if they have fertilizer, they would be in a much better condition.

The barren surroundings where most Hmong live accelerated our concern for their well-being. Most of them seem to give up on everything, even their dreams. A few have just began to develop and enrich Hmong society. A one-year-old committee of Hmong scholars and leaders was organized and is in the process of trying to erect a statue of Chiyou in Guiyang, the capital city of Guizhou. If this happens, this single statue may become a symbol of national pride, identity, unity and commonality for the Hmong people, regardless of where we're all living on the surface of this world.


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